The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was considered among the most influential incumbents of that office in American history. Whereas numerous VPs were confined to marginal or figurehead positions, Cheney wielded huge sway during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently called as the "real president".
Bush disliked that description and claimed the dynamic was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was courteous, invariably calling him in public settings as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their association as a collaboration because it implied that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these objections, Cheney found the relaxed president pliable on a broad range of governmental choices.
The Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a contingent of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the destruction of any non-communicating airplanes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the assaults altered his perspective, causing him to be determined on retribution. In conjunction with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Policies
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the harsh treatment of individuals apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on faulty information circulated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It represented the right thing to do then. I was convinced then and I maintain that stance today."
Yet even at the time, there were opposing views at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I observed, at a minimum," he later wrote "obvious failure, inaction, and recklessness: potentially, lying, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had written a memo detailing scenarios in which national priorities might be compromised (encompassing "access to crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be prepared to act independently when joint efforts prove impossible," explicitly referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the Oval Office vaguely intent on executing what his parent had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of lowering America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a scheme to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a likeness of his parent's countenance that all visitors had to step on.
Interrogation Methods
But it was Cheney who was among the most vehement behind invading Iraq, frequently referencing information documents that were whether insubstantial or completely misleading. He supported what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had been obtained through the torture, Cheney disregarded the findings as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place initiatives to apprehend the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed labels given to him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a dark force manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the background that nobody ever sees come out of his domain? This represents a advantageous way to operate, truthfully."
Business Interests
Dispute over his business interests followed him throughout his time as second-in-command. While he had limited background in business but good contacts in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US agreements totaling billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his time at the firm rose from his $258,394 when he was defence secretary to over four million. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package totaling more than $20m|twenty
